In the newest installment of Blogging Heads TV, Matthew Lee and I discuss the thorny issue of Taiwan's UN aspirations, John Bolton's recent speech at the Heritage Foundation, UN ethics reforms, the new EU-led refugee protection force in Chad and CAR, the forthcoming General Assembly meeting, Ban's climate change bonafides, and of course, the discovery of cleaning product in UNMOVIC's storage facility. Enjoy!
American Enterprise Institute senior fellow John Bolton gave the "Margaret Thatcher Freedom Lecture" at the Heritage Institute yesterday. He's about to publish a book, Surrender is Not an Option: Defending America at the United Nations and Abroad and his speech focused mostly on the question of whether or not the UN advances the cause of freedom. His answer? "minimally, occasionally, and accidentally." You can watch the webcast here.
Bolton's argument is familiar to anyone who has read or listened to his speeches since he left public service (and occasionally, while still in government.) Essentially, Bolton argues that the UN Secretariat lacks a basic legitimacy because the Secretariat does not take marching orders from the member states that pay the bulk of UN operating expenses.
On the contrary, the legitimacy engendered to the UN comes precisely from the fact that it does not work exclusively for any one member state or group of states. Rather, the UN derives its legitimacy because 180 member states belong to it--and at least in the General Assembly one country has one vote. Things are a bit different in the Security Council. But even there, a Security Council resolution means that the world's powers have coalesced around a single unifying principle. When the UN Security Council votes to authorize the use of force (say for example for the 1991 Gulf War) that sort of operation is viewed with overwhelming credibility and therefore is much easier to mount.
Bolton made other points, many of which we have addressed previously on UN Dispatch, such as the dangerous notion that the UN should be funded through voluntary contributions rather than assessed dues. Finally, perhaps the most newsworthy moment of the lecture was when Bolton, in the midst of trashing his former colleagues at the State Department, quipped that "North Korea is more likely to get full diplomatic credentials than Taiwan."
When news outlets reported that a chemical weapons agent named phosogene was found in a storage facility maintained by UNMOVIC--the UN weapons inspection team for Iraq--the regular herd of UN bashers used this seemingly embarrassing story to advance their own anti-UN agenda.
Take Claudia Rosett:
[t]here is, of course, much more to the UNMOVIC story itself. Along with such questions as who carried phosgene into the U.S., and then into the UNMOVIC office in midtown Manhattan, and how, I keep wondering what on earth these weapons inspectors for Iraq have been doing for most of the past decade? [snip] Whatever else this phosgene flap is about, it's one more glaring example of why it's insane to give any more money to the UN before demanding a full, independent stock-taking that would tell us, for the first time ever, what they're really doing with what they've already got.Of course, today we learn the answer to Rosett's first question about who brought the phosogene to New York: no one. The "chemical agent" was really just an over the counter commercial cleaner. The answer to Rosett's second question about what UNMOVIC has been up to since the invasion of Iraq is easily researchable. UNMOVIC, you see, has to brief the Security Council quarterly. And in its last report [pdf] to the Security Council before UNMOVIC's mandate was terminated in June, we learned that UNMOVIC had 34 staffers, including some of the world's foremost experts on WMD detection. Among other things, these experts have been busy briefing the US government on bio-weapons detection systems, conducting multiple weapons inspection training courses throughout the world, and monitoring the use of chemical agents in terrorist attacks in Iraq. So, contra Rosett it would seem that in the past five years since the invasion of Iraq, UNMOVIC had, in fact, found things to do.
By Joel Selanikio, MD, co-founder of DataDyne.org (UNF-Vodafone partnership)
Masaiti District, Zambia, July 2007 -- The vaccination assessment team from the capital city of Lusaka listens intently as a village official describes local participation in the recent measles vaccination campaign. He believes that all eligible children in the village were taken to the vaccination posts, but urges the team to verify this for themselves. In a nation where many households have no phone and no address, collecting health data is a daunting task.
Today's New York Times write-up of Ban's first visit to Sudan underscores a dilemma faced by the proposed African Union-United Nations hybrid force for Darfur. Namely, that for the peacekeepers to deploy to Darfur, there must first be some semblance of a peace to keep. Of course, this requires foremost the cooperation of the central government and Darfuri rebels. But in Darfur the peace process is complicated by the fact that the militias opposing the central government are fractious.
When the rebellion broke out in Darfur in 2003, the rebels were largely unified. But since then, the rebels have split into various factions with disparate leadership and command structures. For a comprehensive peace agreement with Khartoum to take hold, the rebels first must make peace among themselves. To that end, the Times reports that Ban offered UN support for talks on rebel unity.
Mr. Ban said he would extend an invitation to the eight major rebel groups involved in the fighting in Darfur for a "full-fledged peace conference" this fall. The groups met last month in Arusha, Tanzania, and came up with a framework for sharing power and resources that the United Nations says lays a basis for talks with the government.The UN is certainly the right platform to convene such a meeting. But member states too should be ready and willing to make this conference successful by incentivizing rebel unity. It is only when a political process between the rebel groups is underway that talks between the government and Darfuri rebels can make real headway.
I paraphrase, but former UN weapons inspector Hans Blix (now a private citizen) suggests that the international community apply the same diplomatic strategy that worked with North Korean to Iran. That is, offer Iran a security guarantee and extend the promise of normalized relations in exchange for the verifiable dismantling of Iran's uranium enrichment program. He also suggested that the international community work toward a uranium enrichment and plutonium production freeze in the Middle East.
"The powers negotiating ... are willing to give North Korea a guarantee ... both against attack from abroad and, implicit in that, a guarantee against regime change," he said. North Korea was also offered normalization of relations with Japan and the U.S. "These two elements have not been tried to my knowledge in the case of Iran," Blix said. [snip] "They would commit themselves for some period of time not to build enrichment plants, so Iran would not be alone ... the others would be there as well," Blix said. "It would also mean Israel, that has (plutonium-based) nuclear weapons, would not produce more plutonium, could not make more bombs on the basis of that plutonium," he said.Sound advice from someone who has a proven track record on these issues. Unlike, say, folks at the Weekly Standard.
In a report out today, the International Atomic Energy Agency confirms that, as expected, Iran's progress on uranium enrichment and plutonium production is moving along sluggishly. Further, it seems that some in the Iranian ruling elite are doubting the political utility of pursuing the nuclear program full steam a head. From the AP:
...while Iran continued to expand its uranium enrichment program, it was doing so much more slowly than expected, and had produced only negligible amounts of nuclear fuel that was far below the level usable for nuclear warheads. One of the U.N. officials also noted that construction of the plutonium-producing reactor at the city of Arak had slowed in recent months. He said that "design difficulties, getting equipment, materials and components, and fuel technology, plus perhaps some political considerations," could be causing the delay. The allusion to "political considerations" appeared linked to reports that Iranian officials might be considering stopping construction of the Arak reactor in another sign of good will calculated to blunt the threat of new U.N. sanctions. Citing unidentified Iranian sources, Jane's Defense Weekly earlier this week said some members of Iran's Supreme National Security Council were pushing for such a move.Remember this little nugget the next time the war chorus heaps scorn on the diplomatic process and urges a swift military confrontation. There is still plenty of time for diplomacy to work. That is, as long as we want it to work.
The United Nations High Commission on Refugees just announced that Goodwill Ambassador Angelina Jolie traveled to Iraq and Syria yesterday to visit Iraqis displaced by violence.
The Iraq refugee crisis is perhaps one of the most underreported stories from Iraq. UNHCR--the main international body looking out for the interests of the displaced--has estimated that over 4 million Iraqi's have been displaced by fighting, half of whom have fled to neighboring Syria and Jordan. Good on Angelina Jolie to take the personal risk to travel to Iraq to draw attention to their plight.
The Iraq refugee crisis is perhaps one of the most underreported stories from Iraq. UNHCR--the main international body looking out for the interests of the displaced--has estimated that over 4 million Iraqi's have been displaced by fighting, half of whom have fled to neighboring Syria and Jordan. Good on Angelina Jolie to take the personal risk to travel to Iraq to draw attention to their plight.
The Security Council is one step closer toward authorizing a civilian protection force in eastern Chad and northern Central African Republic. Yesterday, the council unanimously affirmed a proposal to let the European Union send forces to protect refugees in Chad and the Central African Republic, where some 400,000 people have fled to avoid conflict in Darfur. The mission will not be a traditional peacekeeping mission per se, but will incorporate UN civilian experts and UN police units. The EU troops would be stationed in and around the camps.
The need for such a force is undeniable. For the host countries, the masses of displaced people are a source of political instability. And for those living in the camps, protection is needed from predatory militia that attack on men and women who venture beyond the camp to find fuel and water for their families. The European Union--led by France--has stepped up and taken on this responsibility. I would think this deserves some praise and recognition.