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Top of the Morning: Saving Babies On Their First Day of Life

Top stories from DAWNS Digest

New Research: Saving Babies On Their First Day Of Life

More than a million babies around the world die on the day of their birth yearly and a million more are stillborn. New research from Save the Children. “The new report, ‘Ending Newborn Deaths,’ shows one half of first day deaths around the world could be prevented if the mother and baby had access to free health care and a skilled midwife. The children’s aid agency says the deaths happen because of premature birth and complications during birth, such as prolonged labor, pre-eclampsia and infection, which can be avoided if quality health experts are present. The research also found an additional 1.2 million babies are stillborn each year, their heartbeats stopping during labor because of childbirth complications, maternal infections and hypertension.” (Save the Children

Malawi’s “Cashgate” Heats Up

$30 million = about 1% of Malawi’s GDP. “Malawi President Joyce Banda faced calls to resign Tuesday, after an audit revealed at least $30 million dollars of state funds had been stolen by corrupt officials. Barely three months before she asks voters to elect her for a second term, Banda faced calls from non-governmental groups to take responsibility for almost industrial-scale corruption on her watch….The scandal implicated senior ministers, resulting in Banda sacking her entire cabinet. Some 68 civil servants — including many in Banda’s People’s Party — and businesspeople are already on trial charged with graft.” (AFP

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Bangkok protest against the Amnesty Bill. Photo by George Henton, Copyright @Demotix (8/7/2013)

Thailand’s Woes

At least thirty-five Thais were wounded on Saturday, Feb 22nd after gunmen attacked an antigovernment rally in Trat province, including a five year old girl. Bangkok fared poorly as well: 12-year-old boy and a 40-year-old woman were killed after a bomb attack at an anti government rally, held at a shopping mall.

It’s been a bloody weekend in Thailand, and the recent influx of violence highlights an uncomfortable point: the tense political situation here between the ruling regime of Thai Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra and the opposition People’s Democratic Reform Committee shows little sign of getting better.

2014 may prove to be a decidedly interesting year for the Southeast Asian peninsula. Which means that, complex as it may be, it’s worthwhile for outside observers to get a handle on the potential impacts of Thailand’s recent tumult for the country and the region. 

Economic growth in Thailand, usually robust, is showing signs of strain after three months of increasingly intense rancor towards the reign of Yingluck Shinawatra. The Thai GDP grew by only 0.6% in the fourth quarter, a considerable drop from the 2.7% growth seen in the third quarter. 

A February report released by US ratings agency Fitch notes that Thai business confidence is reaching levels as dismal of those seen during the all-pervasive flooding of 2011, as now-spooked foreign investors begin to retreat from the stock market and evaluate other regional options. Consumer confidence is also low and getting lower, reaching a 26-month low in January .

The damage to tourism is especially worrisome to Thailand, which works overtime to project its image as a friendly, exotic destination for travelers from all over the world — and accounts for 10% of the country’s GDP.

Thanks to a spate of tourism warnings issued by foreign governments, the Tourism Council of Thailand estimates it lost $685 million in revenues in the month of January alone. As the political gridlock continues, it’s unlikely tourist arrivals will bounce back any time soon.

What are the tourists, eager to lie around on Thailand’s beaches, going to do with their Southeast Asia-bound vacation time instead? Likely pay a visit to the equally lovely climes of Malaysia and Indonesia, postulated Credit Suisse analyst Santitarn Sathirathai in a Wall Street Journal blog. The same goes for the conventions and international business get-togethers often slated to take place in Bangkok and on Thailand’s islands.

As the political deadlock grinds on, major trading partner China is keeping a wary eye on Thai affairs. China’s decision to pull out of a plan to buy 1.2 million tons of rice due to a continuing graft probe has done considerable damage to Shinawatra’s ruling party — which needs the support of its agricultural, working-class base more than ever.

Thailand’s descent into full-bore political unrest has not gone unnoticed in neighboring Cambodia either, embroiled as it is in its own election controversy between an ostensibly democratic opposition, and the long-time regime of Prime Minister Hun Sen. Exiled former Thai Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra is a friend of Hun Sen, a connection hat has raised eyebrows from nationals of both nations. Already, accusations have been bandied about that a shadowy Cambodian gunman was behind the shooting death of Thai Democratic protester Sutin Tharatin at the end of January.

International affairs junkies may wish to keep an eye on Thailand and Cambodia as spring begins. And, perhaps, take a careful look at their plans for an exotic vacation.


Image credit: Global Voices Online Bangkok protest against the Amnesty Bill. Photo by George Henton, Copyright @Demotix (8/7/2013)

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It’s the Tenth Anniversary of When the Media Declared “Genocide” in Darfur

Ed note. The data in this post come from an old study I conducted using LexisNexis search terms. I revisit the data today, which is the 10 year anniversary of the media’s awakening to the Darfur criss. 

Today marks the first time a major American newspaper published an article about a potential genocide in Darfur.

In a February 25, 2004 Washington Post op-ed titled “Un-noticed Genocide,” Eric Reeves, a Sudan activist and professor of English literature at Smith College, described horrific scenes of the conflict in Darfur and concluded,  “There can be no reasonable skepticism about Khartoum’s use of [the janjaweed] to “destroy, in whole or in part, ethnic or racial groups” — in short, to commit genocide.”

This was the first mention of “Darfur” and “genocide” in the same breath. Between that date and a September 9, 2004 Senate hearing in which then-Secretary of State Colin Powell testified that the State Department has evidence of on-genocide in Darfur, the New York Times ran a total of 68 items mentioning “Darfur” and “genocide.” Of these 68 items, 29 came from news desks.  The other 39 items appeared on opinion pages.  The Washington Post mentioned Darfur and genocide a total of 67 times, 27 of which from news desks and 40 from the opinion pages.

One month of media silence followed Reeves’ February 15 op-ed, until New York Times columnist Nicholas Kristof travelled to the region. Kristof led a March 25, column (date-lined “along the Chad-Sudan border”) with, “The most vicious ethnic cleansing you’ve never heard of is unfolding here in the southeastern fringes of the Sahara Desert. It’s a campaign of murder, rape and pillage by Sudan’s Arab rulers that has forced 700,000 black African Sudanese to flee their villages.[i]”  In his next column, two days later, Kristof revised his description of the situation from “ethnic cleansing” to “genocide.”  “In my last column, I called these actions ‘’ethnic cleansing,’ wrote Kristof. “But let’s be blunt: Sudan’s behavior also easily meets the definition of genocide in Article 2 of the 1948 convention against genocide. That convention not only authorizes but also obligates the nations ratifying it — including the U.S. — to stand up to genocide.”[ii]

With 10 subsequent columns written about Darfur in the prescribed time period Kristof emerged as the media’s leading voice on Darfur.  He would not equivocate from his view that Darfur was a “genocide.” He used phrases like “a kaleidoscope of genocide[iii]” and “Sudan’s final solution”[iv] to drive this point home. In a particularly telling column, titled “Dare We Call it Genocide?”, Kristof described his encounters with some victims and concluded, “if she and her people aren’t victims of genocide, then the word has no meaning.” [v]

Beyond Kristof, the editorial pages of the two papers played a leading role in advancing the narrative of genocide in Darfur.  An unsigned editorial in The Washington Post on April 3 did not use the term genocide to outright describe Darfur, but did call the conflict, “a horrific campaign of ethnic cleansing.”[vi]   The editorial did, however, peg off of the 10-year anniversary of the April 1994 Rwandan genocide so the message was clear. The New York Times similarly used that peg for an unsigned editorial on April 7 that raised the specter of “another Rwanda,” but declined to outright describe Darfur as a “genocide.[vii]”    Subsequent unsigned editorials from both papers would forthrightly call the conflict a “genocide.”

The ten-year anniversary of the Rwandan genocide also provided a convenient news peg for solicited opinion pieces about Darfur, such as an April 6 op-ed from Samantha Power, whose book ‘A Problem from Hell’: America and the Age of Genocide won the 2003 Pulitzer Prize for non-fiction.  In her piece, titled “Remember Rwanda, But Take Action in Darfur,” Power would not declare as forthrightly as Reeves or Kristof that Darfur was an on-going genocide.  Rather, she argued that such a focus was largely a distraction.  “In the case of Sudan, American officials need not focus on whether the killings meet the definition of genocide set by the 1948 Genocide Convention,” wrote Power. “They should focus instead on trying to stop them.[viii]

Op-eds from John Prendergast, then of the International Crisis Group, Gayle Smith and Susan Rice, (both former Clinton Administration officials and, at the time, think tank scholars), Jerry Fowler of the US Holocaust Memorial Museum,  Senate Majority Leader Bill Frist, Humanitarian worker Bob McPhearson, and a second op-ed from Eric Reeves appeared in each of the papers.  Not all addressed the question of genocide directly, but each did advance the basic narrative that 1) A grave human rights catastrophe was being visited upon Darfur’s “African” civilians.  2) These atrocities were being committed on the basis of race by the Arab janjaweed and Arab government of Sudan.  3) A hard line against Sudan was needed to stop the atrocities.  In the entire period under study, no unsigned editorials from either paper deviated from this frame.

The only dissenting voice to appear on the op-ed pages of either paper was Sam Dealey, a former Asia Correspondent for the Wall Street Journal. In an August 8 New York Times piece, titled “Misreading the Truth in Sudan,” Dealey questioned that dominant narrative to suggest that the story is more “complex” in the sense that ethnic allegiances were not clearly defined and that a hard line against the government of Sudan could exacerbate the situation.[ix]

News Desks Take Notice 

The news desks of the Washington Post and the New York Times were comparatively slow to pick up on the Darfur story.  After three columns from Kristof, two editorials and one op-ed from an outside contributor, the New York Times ran its first piece on Darfur and genocide not to appear on the editorial page on April 8.  The brief article, from the Times’ foreign desk, reported on a written statement from President Bush and remarks from UN Secretary General Kofi Annan regarding the situation in Darfur.[i]  It took nearly one additional month for The Washington Post to publish its first item on Darfur and genocide outside of the opinion pages. On May 6, UN reporter Colum Lynch wrote an item about a new Human Rights Watch report that alleged “ethnic cleansing” in Darfur.[ii]  As was the case with the New York Times, a total of six opinion pieces preceded the paper’s first news article on Darfur.

Both papers addressed the question of genocide directly in articles describing the United States’ government decision to dispatch a team of researchers to the region to conduct a survey of the victims to deduce whether or not the atrocities rose to the level of genocide.  Secretary of State Colin Powell would later rely on this survey to make his declaration that Darfur amounted to genocide.

In these articles, reporters frequently quoted the very same people who would appear on their op-ed pages.  For instance, a July 24 Times piece by Africa reporter Marc Lacey  titled “In Darfur, Appalling Atrocity, but is that Genocide?” quoted John Prendergast (who came down on the affirmative.)  Similarly, a September 8 story about the survey by The Washington Post’s Emily Wax quoted Jerry Fowler, the author of a June 4 Post Sunday Outlook story titled, “In Sudan, Staring Genocide in the Face.”[iv]  This reporting served to reinforce the dominant narrative of the conflict in Darfur—a narrative that was driven, in part, by opinion pieces from Prendergast and Fowler in the Times and Post respectively.

Why this matters

If you want people to pay attention to an atrocity unfolding in a forlorn part of the world, “genocide” will catch people’s attention in a way that “mass killing” would not. We are seeing this dynamic unfolding right now in the Central African Republic, which is descending into ethnic violence. It was not until French and UN officials started warning of a potential genocide that the international community kicked into gear and started to take action.  Earlier this month, the New York Times invoked the specter of  ”genocide” in an editorial about CAR.

Genocide, though, has a very specific definition:  it does not mean mass killing. It means mass killing with an intent to destroy a population based on ethnicity or race. In other words, the intention of the perpetrators is to eradicate a population because of who they are, not what militia they support or their political affiliation.

Darfur was invisible to most Americans — even those of us who follow foreign affairs — until 10 years ago today. Invoking “genocide” caught our attention. It was how a civil war in a desolate part of the world became a household name in the USA.  It was how a large social movement with a diverse constituency coalesced to “Save Darfur.” It was how Darfur become a priority for George Bush’s State Department, even in the midst of two failing wars.  (For a book length discussion of how the Save Darfur movement affected US policy read Fighting for Darfur by Rebecca Hamilton).

Let me be clear:  I believe what happened in Darfur was a “genocide.” Among other things, I base this conclusion on evidence gathered by the State Department from interviews with Darfur refugees in Chad. The International Criminal Court prosecutor also believed there was enough evidence to issue an indictment for genocide, which he did in 2005. That opinion is dominant, but it is not universal: a January 2005 UN Commission of Inquiry report did not substantiate claims of genocide.

Regardless of how you come down on this question, it is clear that “genocide” became a rallying point. Without “genocide” Darfur would probably still be invisible to most Americans. This is a problem.

We need to get to the point where invoking “genocide” is not a necessary condition to wake Americans and policymakers to a mass atrocity unfolding. It should not be a crutch, invoked to drive attention or resources to a crisis. The severity of the crisis is what should motivate people and policy makers, “genocide” or not.




[i] “Don’t Let Sudan’s Ethnic Cleansing Go On,” Nicholas Kristof, New York Times, March 25, 2004

[ii] “Will We Say ‘Never Again,’ Yet Again?” Nicholas Kristof, New York Times, March 27, 2004

[iii]  “Cruel Choices” Nicholas Kristof, The New York Times, April 14, 2004

[iv] “Sudan’s Final Solution” Nicholas Kristof, The New York Times, June 12 2004

[v] ““Dare We Call it Genocide?”, Nicholas Kristof, The New York Times, June 14 2004

[vi] “Crisis in Darfur,” Unsigned editorial, The Washington Post, April 3, 2004

[vii] “Peril in Sudan,” Unsigned Editorial, The New York Times, April 7, 2004

[viii] Remember Rwanda, But Take Action in Sudan,” Samantha Power, The New York Times, April 6, 2004

[ix] “Misreading the Truth in Sudan,” Sam Dealey, The New York Times, August 8 2004


News Desks Take Notice

[i] “Brutal Conflict in Sudan Brings Warnings from Bush and Annan,” Somini Sengupta, April 8 2004

[ii] “Sudan Blamed in ‘Cleansing,’ Colum Lynch, The Washington Post May 6 2004

[iv] “In Sudan, Staring Genocide in the Face,” Jerry Fowler, June 4 2004


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Top of the Morning: USA ‘Reviewing’ Relationship with Uganda

Top stories from DAWNS Digest.

World Reacts As Ugandan President Signs Anti-Gay Bill into Law

 The bill was signed into law yesterday. People may be punished for committing “homosexual acts” for up to 14 years. Groups that “aid or abet” homosexuals may also be liable for prosecution, which could  seriously undermine anti-HIV efforts in the country. The US, which is Uganda’s largest donor, has said it would review its relationship. Other donors have said similar things. Here’s a good rundown of the global reaction to this awful law. (NPR

Word of Another Massacre in CAR

Christian militiamen killed at least 70 people in the remote southwest of Central African Republic, at one point ordering a group of Muslims to lie on the ground and shooting them one by one, witnesses said Monday. The militiamen, known as the anti-Balaka, slaughtered the Muslims in the village of Guen earlier this month, a Catholic priest, the Rev. Rigobert Dolongo, who helped bury the bodies, told The Associated Press. At least 27 people were slain in the first day of the attack, while 43 others were killed on the second day, he said. (AP


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An activist waves a rainbow flag, an international symbol for the rights of gay, lesbian, bisexual and transgender people. Photo: Flickr/See-ming Lee

Why the USA Can’t Just Cut Aid to Uganda

The harsh new anti-gay measure signed into law to day by Uganda president Yoweri Museveni has been roundly denounced, and rightfully so. The law is appalling on human rights grounds: it criminalizes “homosexual acts” with severe penalties. The top UN human rights official warns that it could ”institutionalise discrimination and could encourage harassment and violence.”

It is also a huge setback for the fight against HIV/AIDS. If you want to tackle HIV/AIDS in a country, you need to target high risk groups. Nationwide, Uganda has an HIV prevalence rate of 7.2%.  That rate is nearly double among men-who-have-sex-with-men. Groups that work with the LGBT community to help stem the spread of HIV may now face criminal prosecution for “aiding” or “abetting” homosexuality.

This is a human rights tragedy and a public health disaster in the making. So what can the international community do about it? As many people have pointed out, Uganda is heavily dependent on foreign aid. The USA is its largest contributor, giving over $400 million per year in assistance. But cutting off that aid to protest this law is not really an option. Most of this funding is for economic development, education and health projects. Shutting off the spigot would hurt those who need it the most. There would be fewer AIDS drugs, fewer mosquito nets, fewer health services and less clean water for vulnerable populations.

Further, the Ugandan military — which receives US support —  plays a generally constructive role in supporting regional peace and stability. Its contributions to a UN-backed African Union force in Somalia is helping to restore order as Somalia undergoes a truly impressive transition. The Ugandan army also deserves credit for helping to end the incipient civil war in neighboring South Sudan.

So the answer is not a clear cut as cutting off aid to Uganda, which would be sort of like cutting of the nose to spite the face.  Still, the face needs some spiting! I would expect the State Department–which since 2009 has made LGBT rights a priority in bi-lateral relations — is trying to find alternate ways to pressure Uganda and express its displeasure.

Photo credit: An activist waves a rainbow flag, an international symbol for the rights of gay, lesbian, bisexual and transgender people. Photo: Flickr/See-ming Lee



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credit: 2014 Olympics

What the Winter Olympics Was Missing: Cold Weather

With the 2014 Sochi Winter Olympics ending, logistics and security issues will be examined in great details, medals counted, and athletic performances scrutinized by those training for the next Olympics. Pyeonchang, South Korea is set to host the next Winter Games in 2018, but that brings up an even larger question that deserves attention. United Nations Secretary General, Ban Ki Moon has called climate change “the greatest collective challenge facing humankind today.”

Going forward, how many cities are there left in the world that can actually host the Winter Olympics?  Several experts say there are not many, due to the effects of climate change.

For the past two weeks we have seen temperatures in the Black Sea resort town get warmer than it was here in New York at UN Headquarters.  While the bit of sun may be a nice respite for spectators, some athletes withdrew from events because they felt the melting snow and general lack of regular winter sport conditions was has made the courses more dangerous for skiers and snowboarders.  Even in Vancouver in 2010, a miracle ‘deep freeze’ saved the day for several events when temperatures were running warmer than expected.

If Canada and Russia aren’t cold enough to host a Winter Games, then members of the International Olympic Committee aren’t the only ones with a problem.  According to a study published by the University of Waterloo in Canada, “if we experience climate change to the degree predicted by scientists, by the mid-21st century close to half the cities that have hosted…in the past would no longer be able to.  It simply would not be cold enough.” Here are two graphs from that study:

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What a sad thought to think a globally unifying event like the Olympics could be curtailed in any way because of climate ignorance. Olympic athletes, however, are not known for their lack of determination and spirit.  On February 10th several athletes along with non-profit partner Protect Our Winters, issued a statement expressing their justifiable anger over governmental inaction on mitigating the affects of climate change.  Chris Steinkamp, Executive Director of Protect Our Winters, told UN Dispatch their plans extend as the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change meets in Paris in 2015, saying that they will “gather more signatures and keep the pressure on world leaders until meaningful action is taken on climate.” He adds, “This is not a one off project, POW and the athletes are fully committed to this.  We hope to have a dialogue with the IOC, and certainly with the UN about how best to take those next steps.”

Athletes are not the only ones impacted by inadequate winter seasons either. According to a report issued by the Natural Resources Defense Council (NRDC), “only four out of 14 major ski resorts [in the northeastern United States] will remain profitable by 2100.”  This translates to a downturn in the economy of those towns and regions because of lost tourism revenue and affects employment during the winter season.  Perhaps more fiscal-based research is what will prompt governmental and private sector reform. Emotional pleas from big name athletes are needed from a public relations standpoint for sure, but it must be coupled with more hard data in a language to which the private sector and tourism industry can relate.

Perhaps this pairing will make the 2018 Winter Games and beyond cold and successful ones.

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